"As for the enemies of freedom, those who are potential adversaries, they will be reminded that peace is the highest aspiration of the American people. We will negotiate for it, sacrifice for it; we will not surrender for it, now or ever." - Reagan, January 20, 1981

"In Vietnam, we tried and failed in a just cause. No More Vietnams can mean we will not try again. It should mean we will not fail again." - from No More Vietnams by Richard Nixon

Thursday, July 29, 2010

Cuban media lets slip information further proving the CIA was right about a red Guatemala

This story appeared on the website of Cuba's official paper "Granma", but I will not link to that - I will embargo it on this blog. So here it is from another site.

Interview with Nicaraguan Rodolfo Romero,
Internationalist fighter and founder member of the Sandinista National Liberation Front


He discribes meeting che (who just happened to be) in Guatemala at the moment it was liberated by CIA armed freedom fighters.

The story comments in it's opening that "exiles from everywhere came knocking on the door of this Central American country" - and then this Nicaraguan "exile" commie's interview begins

"It was June 24, 1954 and Guatemala City had just been terribly bombed. Che arrived at the house of the Augusto César Sandino youth brigade, of which I was the leader, with a letter from a Chilean communist. He asked for Edelberto Torres, another Nicaraguan exile and the son of an eminent anti-Somoza fighter.
"As Edelberto was in a meeting of the Party, I asked him to come in and wait. Around two in the morning, when the guards changed shift, he asked me if he could participate in the relief. I didn’t really know who he was, and the responsibility of giving such a task to a stranger made me hesitate, but the letter that he carried with him ended up convincing me.

"Without much ceremony, because in wartime everything is pressured, I gave him a Czech carbine from the guard going off duty who, incidentally, was not Guatemalan, but the Cuban Jorge Risquet Valdés. "And how does one handle this?" he exclaimed when he had it in his hands. In the dark and in a hurry, it was me who gave him some lessons about handling it."


In that meeting with Che, you not only met the revolutionary who voluntarily, without knowing how to use a weapon, would risk doing guard duty with it. You also discovered the romantic man, who loved the poetry of Darío.

"Yes, the night we met, when I told him that I was Nicaraguan, he became very enthusiastic and began to talk to me about Rubén Darío, how much he admired his works, and his desire to read everything that he wrote some day. We didn’t talk for more than an hour, but in that brief time I was able to confirm his great humanity. The next day we said goodbye and I didn’t see him again for a while.

When they gave Arbenz the ultimatum, I went underground, and the Communist Party ordered me to contact all the exiles in the embassies.Dressed in a burlap sack and barefoot, looking like a charcoal vendor, I began to make the rounds of the diplomatic headquarters, and I met Che in the Argentine one. Rapidly, we made arrangements for him to move to the Mexican one.


How did a young Nicaraguan come to lead a communist brigade in Guatemala?

The objective of the Nicaraguan exiles was to train ourselves for overthrowing Somoza, while at the same time contributing to the just democracies of other peoples. First, we were receiving military training in Costa Rica, but pressure from the CIA and the OAS forced us to leave there for Guatemala, at the end of 1948. Incidentally, it was a Cuban airplane that took us.

Immediately I made contact with the communist forces in this country; I even took part in the founding Congress of its party. Activist life in Guatemala shaped my development: I read a lot, studied Marxism, I understood the essence of imperialism and class struggle.

My involvement with nation became great, but I never lost sight of my real cause that was awaiting me in Nicaragua.


Also around this time you knew about the similarities between the dictatorships that oppressed the Cuban and Nicaraguan peoples. How was your first meeting with the leadership of our Revolution?

At that time, the Guatemalan Communist Party gave us the task of collecting signatures in support of a call from Stockholm to convene a peace conference. Whoever collected the most signatures would receive the prize of traveling to the International Conference for the Rights of Youth, in Vienna. In less than 10 days I had collected 1,000 signatures, and off I went.

One day, we Nicaraguans and Cubans sat down to exchange experiences about Somoza and Batista, and it was there that I met Raúl Castro, who expounded to us his certainty that dictators could only be defeated by bullets.

With the passing of time, I kept fully up to date with what was happening in Cuba; in order to inform myself, I tuned in to Radio Rebelde.


---------

Wait... you mean Secretary Dulles was right in his Radio and Television Address of June 30, 1954? This is where he states

From their European base the Communist leaders moved rapidly to build up the military power of their agents in Guatemala. In May a large shipment of arms moved from behind the Iron Curtain into Guatemala. The shipment was sought to be secreted by false manifests and false clearances. Its ostensible destination was changed three times while en route.
At the same time, the agents of international communism in Guatemala intensified efforts to penetrate and subvert the neighboring Central American States. They attempted political assassinations and political strikes. They used consular agents for political warfare.


It seems a lot like documents related to communist subversion of Honduras from Guatemala the freedom fighters captured after they ejected their communist rulers



And Che would admit this he was a communist two years later after he was arrested and interrogated by Mexican police.

Over 20-24 June [1956], under pressure from Batista, Mexican authorities arrested Fidel Castro and five of his 26th of July Movement (M-26-7) associates. They were charged with violations of immigration laws, illegal possession of military weapons, and conspiring to mount a revolution against a foreign government. During their interrogation they betray the existence of Bayo’s M-26-7 training camp, and the police then raid the rebel training camp (Santa Rosa Ranch, aka Las Rosas), arresting the other 45 Castro followers, and seizing the rebels' weapons, supplies, and cash.

During his interrogation Guevara confessed he was a Communist, that M-26-7 was preparing a revolutionary force to violently overthrow the Cuban government, and that he advocated of armed revolutionary struggle throughout Latin America.

Through the intervention of Mexico’s former president Lázaro Cárdenas all were released by the end of July, beginning on July 6. By July 10, only Fidel Castro, Ché Guevara and Calixto García Martínez remained in detention. On July 24 Castro was freed, Guevara and García were released a week later.


And none dared call it a conspiracy... not any more anyway, after the guy has been whitewashed by the same nations who asked for our help. From TIME, Jul. 12, 1954:
"No recognized government in Latin America has ever matched this inhuman cruelty," a Latin diplomat in Guatemala exclaimed as the grisly evidence piled up.


The whole story is worth posting

Monday, Jul. 12, 1954
The Hemisphere: After the Fall

"Communist perfume," Guatemalans called it: they meant the stench of decaying human flesh. Searchers tracing that noisome odor last week found in three shallow mass graves the bodies of 47 men who had opposed the Red government of President Jacobo Arbenz in its last days. In a basement torture chamber on the capital's Seventh Avenue, bits of hair, plastered to the wall with dried blood, told of victims hurled around the room and battered against the walls by sadistic guards. Out of the jails stumbled 711 lesser oppositionists, some from cells built for five men but crammed with 60. Fifteen men numbly took off their clothing so that U.S. reporters could see the festering cuts and throbbing bruises that covered them from neck to thigh.

In its last desperate bid for survival, the Arbenz government had resorted to savage repressions carried out by its boss policemen, Colonel Rogelio Cruz Wer and Colonel Jaime Rosenberg. The frenzy grew as the downfall neared. Survivors testified that on the last day, Cruz Wer, close to a gibbering collapse, planted himself in front of a cell crowded with political prisoners and screamed, "I am a condemned man, but I will take some of you bastards with me!" He fired a burst from a machine pistol into the cell, and four men fell dead. After Arbenz quit, Cruz Wer and Rosenberg escaped in a small plane to Mexico, where they blandly demanded sanctuary as political refugees.

A Rotten Regime. "No recognized government in Latin America has ever matched this inhuman cruelty," a Latin diplomat in Guatemala exclaimed as the grisly evidence piled up. But the stories helped explain Arbenz' sudden downfall: his government was too rotten to fight for, and the army had refused to fight for the Communist cause it despised.

That the Arbenz regime was too hollow to fight was hardly suspected before it was put to a test — the kind of test that other Communist governments never got.

Six months ago, Castillo Armas was an unimportant exile in Honduras, plotting in impoverished frustration against Arbenz' powerful regime, and generally given no chance. The impression now almost universally held in Guatemala is that the U.S. at that point moved cautiously in to guide affairs. There is still no direct evidence of this [note: there is now, more then 50 years later]. But hindsight reasoning indicates that the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency correctly appraised Arbenz' fundamental unpopularity and brutality, his army's unwillingness to stand up for him or for his Communist advisers, and Castillo Armas' capabilities.

Circumstantial support for this theory comes from the known facts. Honduras openly granted bases to Castillo Armas, an act the U.S. could have stopped with a frown. Castillo Armas got money; the revolution must have cost well over $1,000,000 — perhaps as much as $5,000,000. He got airplanes: four F47 fighters and two C-47 cargo planes. He also got expert pilots to fly them.

Latin Americans generally assumed that the U.S. was in Castillo Armas' corner and after he invaded Guatemala, a dank breeze of Communist-abetted anti-Yankeeism swept through some of the hemisphere's countries. Students squawked in demonstrations in Panama, Uruguay, Chile Peru, Cuba, Argentina and Honduras: a U.S. flag was burned in Chile. But there was none of that in Guatemala, where the U.S. role was understood and deeply appreciated. As the overthrown regime's victims were dug out of their graves and the luckier survivors emerged from their cells Guatemalans raised grateful cheers for the U.S. and for Ambassador Peurifoy.

Off to Asylum. The Arbenz crowd meanwhile, had scuttled to asylum. Many of them found the Mexican embassy, right across the street, the handiest. There went most of the Guatemalan Congress. There went the major Communists: Presidential Adviser Jose Manuel Fortuny, Labor Leader Victor Manuel Gutierrez, Peasant Boss Leonardo Castillo Flores, Editor Alfredo Guerra Borges. There went ex-Foreign Minister Guillermo Toriello.

And there, too, went Jacobo Arbenz—after first forcing the Government Development Bank to extend a second mortgage on his cotton farm for $200,000 payable to his wife. He is also accused of having taken funds from the Treasury. Other government fat cats, who had done their looting earlier, were in the Salvadoran embassy; their six 1954 Cadillacs crowded the ambassadorial courtyard.

Political refugees, by convention, are supposed to get safe-conducts out of the country. But the mob of holed-up Arbenzistas may have difficulties. Opinion has swung violently against the Red regime.

Mobs plundered Arbenz' luxurious house (finding, among more valuable spoils, stacks of Communist propaganda and four bags of earth, one each from Russia, China, Siberia and Mongolia). More ominously, a Communist judge who last year sent four alleged plotters to death without trial was himself executed by a firing squad. That showed that the new junta means business with any Communist criminals it can get its hands on.

Russian media lets another admission slip - subject: Chile

Remember how saintly the (racist, 30% elected, KGB controlled) Allende administration of Chile is portrayed?

well... on the occasion of the death of the long-time Chilean communist leader, we (re)learn from RIA Novosti's Vitaliy Arutyunov that "By 1973, Corvalan had already become a senator and was a prominent figure in Chile's political establishment. Communists held all the key posts in Allende's government."

and, RussiaToday reports that

Corvalan... was more known in the USSR as a man who was exchanged for dissident Vladimir Bukovsky.

Vladimir Bukovsky described the Chilean communist as a man “faithful to his ideas and a staunch Stalinist, the type of man very well known in Russia.”

“I did not know him personally, we did not even meet at the moment of the swap,” Bukovsky told RIA Novosti. “I only know his reputation, and everyone knows it,” he said.

“Until his last days, Corvalan wrote articles in his party paper that communism would still return, that now there is a temporary delay, and the future still belongs to communism,” he said.

“It is difficult to say much about him,” Bukovsky noted. From the documents of the central committee of the Soviet Communist Party, it is known that “he was involved in terrorist activities, staging explosions because he asked for explosives, bombs and sent his colleagues to Moscow for special training,” he noted.

The efforts to free Corvalan succeeded in 1976, when the USSR proposed to exchange him for a Soviet dissident and political prisoner Bukovsky, Russianews.ru said. “The US pressed Chile and the swap did take place. Corvalan was granted political asylum, the politician was received [in the USSR] as a statesman.”

Monday, July 26, 2010

The Afghanistan Leaks and the "Pentagon Papers"

there is a key bit of information that should receive attention in regard to the 92,000 (!!!) leaked documents, and it comes from Obama's National Security Advisor Jim Jones:

"Jones, the White House adviser, took pains to point out that the documents describe a period from January 2004 to December 2009, mostly during the administration of President George W. Bush.
That was before "President Obama announced a new strategy with a substantial increase in resources for Afghanistan, and increased focus on al-Qaida and Taliban safe havens in Pakistan, precisely because of the grave situation that had developed over several years," Jones said."


if you think this is a mistake, consider what happened in april last year, as recounted by former vp Cheney:

"By presidential decision, last month we saw the selective release of documents relating to enhanced interrogations. ... somehow, when the soul-searching was done and the veil was lifted on the policies of the Bush administration, the public was given less than half the truth. ... For reasons the administration has yet to explain, they believe the public has a right to know the method of the questions, but not the content of the answers. ... One person who by all accounts objected to the release of the interrogation memos was the Director of Central Intelligence, Leon Panetta. He was joined in that view by at least four of his predecessors. I assume they felt this way because they understand the importance of protecting intelligence sources, methods, and personnel."



For context, for those of you who are old enough (even though I'm not) or have studied it in school, i want you guys to consider President Nixon's reaction to the leaking of the 7,000 page study of the Vietnam War known as the "Pentagon Papers", As described in Nixon's 1985 book "No More Vietnams":

"Because it was written in 1968, it could contain nothing about my administration's actions. Furthermore, the Times stories about the Pentagon Papers leveled serious charges against my Democratic predecessors ... Nevertheless, I decided to try to block the publication of the Pentagon Papers because concrete policy considerations outweighed whatever political benefits I might accrue. It posed a significant threat to some of our national security interests.
The National Security Agency feared that the more recent documents would provide code-breaking clues and contain information about our signal and electronic intelligence capabilities that would be spotted by the trained eyes of enemy experts. The State Department was alarmed because the study would reveal SEATO contingency war plans that were still in effect. The Central Intelligence Agency was worried that it would expose past or current informants and would contain specific references to the names and activities of agents atill active in Southeast Asia. One secret contact dried up almost immediately, and other governments became reluctant to share their intelligence information with us."


As well as Kissinger's account in his memoirs:

"The documents, of course, were in no way damaging to the Nixon Presidency. Indeed, there was some sentiment among White House political operatives to exploit them as an illustration of the machinations of our predecessors and the difficulties we inherited. But such an attitude seemed to me against the public interest: Our foreign policy could never achieve the continuity on which other nations must depend, and our system of government would surely lose all trust if each President used his control of the process of declassification to smear his predecessors or if his discretion in defending the classification system became a partisan matter. ... I not only supported Nixon in his opposition to this wholesale theft and unauthorized disclosure; I encouraged him."



Notice that I picked my good guys with some controversy - the reason is two-fold. 1.) Because political correctness is not patriotic. 2.) Because undermining our military is not patriotic, and defending our national security is the highest form of patriotism, and no amount of smears can take that away.


But now for the great patriot, Rush:
July 26, 2010


RUSH: Ladies and gentlemen, WikiLeaks did not "leak" anything. I don't know who leaked it, but since there's no mention of Obama and his administration, the regime, in any of these tens of thousands of documents, I'd have to say somebody in the regime leaked 'em. But WikiLeaks did not leak 'em. They just published 'em. WikiLeaks is just a sponge, a useful idiot sitting there over in the UK and some disgruntled military guy in Afghanistan somehow has access to all of this and hands it over. In the meantime, is Scooter Libby involved in this? Remember the Valerie Plame leak? You remember how exorcised the entire media structure was. We had to go get Valerie Plame; we had to get Scooter Libby; we had to get Karl Rove; we had to frog March them out of the White House; we had to put them in jail [It was all BS, by the way]. And now? Eh, no big deal, because this fits the template: US bad; US commits war crimes. So the media loves this. In fact, we're going to go back in time, we're going to show you, Obama back in '93, whenever it was, Obama was big on bringing Daniel Ellsberg into Illinois. The bottom line is a lot of respect for Daniel Ellsberg, who did what? The Pentagon Papers about the Vietnam War.

...

Well, of course anybody would be infuriated if it's happening! What's news about this? "Still, they also included unreported incidents of Afghan civilian killings and covert operations..." That's the second time they mention this. "White House National Security Advisor Jim Jones said that the release of the documents put the lives of Americans and our partners at risk. In a statement he took pains to point out that the documents describe a period from January 2004 to December 2009, mostly during the administration of the Bush people." Well, these aren't just crimes; these are war crimes. We are so rotten! Do you realize what a rotten, scum of a country we've become, all because of George W. Bush?

Isn't it amazing that 91,000 secret documents have been published and not one of them mentions the Obama regime? Not one! There are 91,000 pages and not one of them even mentions Bush's tax cuts. Not one of them mentions Obama at all or anybody in his regime. "Jones noted the time period was before Obama announced a new strategy." Oh-ho-ho! (laughing) "Just in case there's any doubt that General Jones is working for the [regime], it's an obvious requirement that any and all Obama officials must blame Mr. Bush," and Jones is right in line here. So now we have a strategy that will please the America-hating radicals at WikiLeaks, the America-hating radicals in this country, the America-hating radicals all over. We are doing "secret operation" against the enemy. We are accidentally killing civilians (breathing heavily), and all of it happened before Obama was immaculated!

(Gasp!) And the Pakistanis are working with our enemies. Why, who would believe that one group of Muslims would work with another? Against us! Who would ever think that? No wonder people are ticked off at this. This story goes on: "Pakistan's powerful spy agency Inter-Services Intelligence said today the accusations that had close connections to Taliban militants were malicious and unsubstantiated." The New York Times says, "The raw intelligence assessments by lower-level military officers suggest that Pakistan allows representatives of its spy service to meet directly with the Taliban in secret strategy sessions to organize networks of militant groups that fight against American soldiers in Afghanistan." This is news? This is something worth being leaked? You had no idea how rotten your country was, did you? But now you do.

The New York Times is happy point it all out. I wonder if this means Obama will be giving back his Nobel Peace Prize. "WikiLeaks Says Evidence of War Crimes in Documents." WikiLeaks doesn't "say" anything. WikiLeaks is the vessel. "WikiLeaks founder Julian Assange says there appears to be evidence of war crimes in the thousands of pages of leaked U.S. military documents on the war in Afghanistan." By the way, I think I've got a new name for the media: "Partisan political operatives." That is much more descriptive of who they are and what they do than to just call them "media." Now, remember, Obama had a historic speech when he was a state senator and courageously announced his opposition to the Iraq war, talked about how he wasn't against all wars. He was for the war in Afghanistan.

He said the war in Iraq was a distraction created by Karl Rove to distract from a terrible economy of 4% unemployment and 4% GDP. That's what Obama said. The Iraq war was a distraction created by Rove to distract from the terrible economy of 4% unemployment, 4% GDP. You know, the White House -- Jim Jones, everybody -- are saying that they are outraged, outraged at the release of classified documents, secret documents. Well, does Obama really object to the publishing of classified documents? When Obama was a student at Columbia, he thought Daniel Ellsberg was a hero. Does Obama really object to something that undermines the war effort in Afghanistan, a war he would love to get out of today? We have the statement by Jim Jones: "The US strongly condemns the disclosure of classified information," blah, blah, blah, blah.

But let's now jump forward to the Politico: "While a senior at Columbia University, Barack Obama," this is 1983, "wrote an article angling for a nuclear-free world," and here's the excerpt where he expresses his assignment about bringing Daniel Ellsberg to campus to get students' minds right. Here's what he wrote: "It seems that students are fairly aware of the nuclear problem and it makes for an underlying frustration. We try to talk to that frustration. Consequently, the thrust of ARA is towards generating dialogue which will give people a rational handle on this subject. This includes bringing in speakers like Daniel Ellsberg to campus, publishing fact sheets compiled by interested faculty." So here's Obama, who couldn't wait to bring Ellsberg to the Columbia campus in '83, Ellsberg who had leaked the Pentagon Papers about the Vietnam War. He's all for leaking documents back then to undermine the US military. Now all of a sudden he's opposed to these things that show up at WikiLeaks? Which, again, very suspiciously contain not one mention of anything in Afghanistan since Obama was inaugurated. Not one.


July 27, 2010

RUSH: Daniel Ellsberg on Larry King Alive last night, Larry King: "How do you respond to the White House assertion that this leak on that Wiki website puts our forces in danger?"

ELLSBERG: I think it takes a lot of -- I don't know what to say, chutzpah, effrontery for people who made the reckless, foolish, and I would say irresponsible decisions to escalate a war that I'm sure they know internally is as hopeless as these new revelations reveal it to be. I'd say that was exactly the same as the boss I served in 1965, Lyndon Johnson. He didn't want General Johnson, the chief of staff of the Army, and others to resign if he didn't give them enough of what they were asking for. I think President Obama has made the same terrible error.

RUSH: Oh, no! Obama's made the same terrible error as LBJ. And Larry King says, "Daniel, do you understand why Mr. Gibbs representing the president, do you understand why he's so upset?" I didn't think Gibbs was upset, did you? Gibbs was not upset. The White House is not upset about this. Anyway, here's Ellsberg's answer.

ELLSBERG: Well, he's very upset in part because he's working for a president who has indicted more people now for leaks than all previous presidents put together. This is an administration that's more concerned about preventing transparency I would say than its predators, which I'm very sorry to hear as somebody who voted for Obama, and expect to vote for him again, despite all this.

RUSH: So a socialist, a neo whatever, Daniel Ellsberg, can see the Obama double standard on leaks, but he's going to vote for him again anyway. He's worse than any president we've ever had on leaks and transparency, but he's going to vote for him again anyway. I only play the Ellsberg cuts because Obama is one of Ellsberg's admirers. Obama loved Ellsberg when he was leaking the Pentagon Papers. He was holding truth to power.

BREAK TRANSCRIPT

RUSH: And back to the phones we go to Illinois. This is Tim. It's nice to have you on the program, sir. Hello.

CALLER: Hello. Nice to talk to you, Rush.

RUSH: You bet.

CALLER: Hey, I just got back from Afghanistan here a few months ago and --

RUSH: Welcome home, sir.

CALLER: Well, thank you very much.

RUSH: You bet.

CALLER: I actually have two comments if I have time. But the first one is: I might have to disagree with you a little bit and go along with Obama to pull us out of Afghanistan. Because the way it is, they won't let us fight. You got your hands tied so tight that you can't do anything.

RUSH: You disagree with me on...?

CALLER: (chuckles)

RUSH: What did I say? I said we should stay no matter what?

CALLER: No. I was just... The point I was making was, the Rules of Engagement while I was there were tight, so tight in some areas that in town you couldn't even point a weapon.

RUSH: Yeah.

CALLER: You had to point a laser and wave 'em off -- and, you know, if you have a VBIED [Vehicle Born Improvised Explosive Device] or something drive up on you, by the time you get your weapon you're already done. So either let us fight or pull us out.

RUSH: Well, that's my fear is that we're gonna pull out and that these leaks are oriented toward pulling us out under the idea that we can't win, which is silly. We are the United States of America. Look, I know what you're saying: "Why tie our hands behind our backs?"

CALLER: Mmm-hmm.

RUSH: Political correctness has taken over the Rules of Engagement. There's no question about it.

CALLER: Yes, they have.

RUSH: You look at the projection of power we are capable of (it was true in Iraq; it's true here) and people -- average, ordinary Americans -- say, "What the hell are we doing pussyfooting around here? Look at the power we're able to project. Why are we handcuffing our people?" I know some people say, "Look, if you're going to do it this way, don't even do it. Just get out of there. It's senseless," but then pulling out of there you admit defeat, and this is something that frightens me, too. Because with these WikiLeaks and the way we're fighting the war, how are we ever going to get allies? Tim, you tell me. How are we ever going to get allies to join us if we're going to sell out and we're not gonna fight things to win? If we're gonna allow leaks to occur which basically compromise everybody helping us, how the hell are we going to get people to join us?

CALLER: I don't think we can because we actually support a lot of our allies that are there.

RUSH: Yeah, exactly, and you have a president who has openly said about Afghanistan he's "not comfortable with the concept of victory." Yet you have Democrats that said, "Afghanistan's the war. That's where we need to be," all the time we were in Iraq. "Iraq was an elective war. Bush went in there for whatever reason. We need to go to Afghanistan." Now we're in Afghanistan and we're ho-humming around. And we've let a magazine get rid of the commanding officer, McChrystal. And now a bunch of waif-y little wimps who run a "Wiki" website might get us out of the country altogether. And if we get out of there with circumstances as they are, the left and the rest of the world is proudly going to announce that we're losing and that we are getting out of there having been defeated, which is what they want.

Saturday, July 24, 2010

Nixon and Kissinger on Latin American Economic History

Former Secretary of State Henry Kissinger wrote in his memoirs of the Alliance for Progress that it was “soon beset with tensions inherent in the hemispheric relationship. Its programs for social and economic improvement were both welcomed and resented. Intense American involvement in attempt to reform domestic social and political institutions were accepted when they brought foreign aid and economic development, but attacked as a form of ‘gringo imperialism’ when they sought social and political reform.” He goes on to say that “In many counties, foreign investment was restricted, foreign companies nationalized, markets closed, and tariffs raised. The doctrine of import substitution, first put forward by the Chilean economist Raul Prebisch, dominated. It opposed foreign private investment and advocated public funds to finance domestic industry and commerce. The region’s economic ills were blamed on excessive ‘dependence’ on the United States.”
Secretary Kissinger’s former boss, Richard Nixon, reviewed the results of these policies in 1991. “The theology of state economic interventionism – epitomized by nationalized industry, state subsidies, and price controls – still attracts a large following in the underdeveloped world, prodicing scores of economic horros stories. In the 1980s, Latin America - despite its abundant natural resources and talented peoples – went into reverse gear economicly. While the world enjoyed a major boom, Latin America’s economy went bust. In nineteen out of its twenty-one counties, living standards have declined.”

(Years of Renewal, Henry Kissinger, 704, 706; Seize The Moment, Richard Nixon, 251)

Monday, July 19, 2010

For those still in denial - Soviet/Cuban support for communist terrorists in Latin America

I've run into some people, who shall remain nameless, who don't believe me that the communist terrorism in Central America was Soviet and Cuban sponsored. Well, it was even proven at the time it was going on.

The State department in 1981 reported

In January 1981, Honduran officials discovered a large cache of concealed arms intended for Salvadoran guerrillas, which included M-16 rifles traced to Vietnam. Smuggled arms have continued to be intercepted. ... On November 27, Honduran authorities discovered a guerrilla safehouse on the outskirts of Tegucigalpa. Two guerrillas were killed in the resulting shootout, including an Uruguayan citizen. Nicaraguans as well as Honduran were captured at the house, where a substantial arsenal of automatic weapons and explosives was seized. Incriminating documents, including notebooks which indicate recent attendance in training course in Cuba, were also confiscated. One of those arrested, Jorge Pinel Betancourt, a 22-year-old Honduran, told reporters the group was headed for El Salvador to join El Salvadoran guerrillas. Two additional guerrilla safehouses located in La Ceiba and San Pedro Sula were raided on November 29, and authorities seized sizable arms caches, explosives, and communications equipment. These arms may have been destined for use within Honduras.


In secret back channel discussions, Secretary of State Al Haig told Cuba's VP Carlos Rodriguez

We believe that the presence of Cuba in Nicaragua constitutes a threat to the continent, and in addition, we believe that the activity of Nicaragua in El Salvador likewise constitutes a serious threat. I can assure you categorically that we are in possession of comprehensive proof of such involvement. There isn't the slightest bit of doubt about it. It's a fact. We have photographs, documents, minutes of interrogations and "confirmations" by those interrogated. For this reason, I cannot agree with that which you are telling me. I am not saying that you have no right to say it. You have every right to say what you want to, but we also have a right to draw our own conclusions from the events as we see them. We have proof, and we are telling you about it.


But the clincher was what was found in Grenada in after the 1983 invation, as Reagan recounted in his memoirs

We discovered over the next few days that Grenada was far from the balmy resort island it was depicted as in travel brochures. Even more than we had realized, it was already a Soviet-Cuban bastion in the Caribbean. Grenada's neighbors had been right. We got there just in time. Grenada's new airport, with its nine-thousand-foot runway, had been designed not for tourism as Maurice Bishop claimed, but for refueling and servicing Soviet and Cuban military aircraft. The barracks used by the Cuban "workers" on Grenada contained enough weapons and ammunition to equip thousands of terrorists. In the Cuban embassy, we found hollow walls stuffed with more weapons, plus documents linking Grenada's Marxists to Havana and Moscow, including one letter sent six months before by a Soviet general to the commander of the Grenadan army that boasted Grenada could be proud of itself for becoming the third outpost of Communism in the New World - after Cuba and Nicaragua - and adding that soon there would be a fourth, El Salvador.

Our troops brought back this letter and hundreds of other documents proving that the Soviet Union and Cuba had been bankrolling the Marxists on Grenada as part of a scheme to bring Communism to the entire region. The program was just beginning in Grenada; it was intended to go all the way through the Caribbean and Central America. We took this storehouse of documents to a hangar at Andrews Air Force Base outside Washington and invited the press to examine it. Reporters would have found evidence of everything we were saying. But very few did.


I could go on, like talking about the documentation found in the Soviet archives themselves after the Cold War, but I think I've proved my point for all intents and purposes.

Saturday, July 17, 2010

1994 article reveals West German communist terrorist group's role along with Fatah in the 1972 Munich attack

How a murderous jackal eluded the hounds
James O Goldsborough. The San Diego Union - Tribune. San Diego, Calif.: Aug 22, 1994. pg. B.5

Smiling and joking, Carlos, aka, the Jackal, told a judge last week he was betrayed in the Sudan by the Sudanese, drugged and illegally smuggled to Paris. His lawyer demanded he be set free.

Americans, who know something about smuggling suspected criminals across borders, will smile at that. Too many people, including the CIA, have been looking for Carlos too long to fret over diplomatic etiquette.

I spent some time looking for him myself, or at least looking for French policemen who were looking for him. The French stayed on his trail for two decades to atone for two blunders in June, '75, which cost many lives.

One blunder led to the murder of two policemen; the second played a key role in the hijacking of Air France Flight 139 to Entebbe, Uganda, in July, '76.

Israel's commando rescue of the passengers of the plane, a Tel Aviv-Paris flight, has become the stuff of lore.

The Carlos story goes like this:

A Venezuelan-born revolutionary whose real name is Ilich Ramirez Sanchez, Carlos appeared in Europe in the early 1970s and began working for Wadi Haddad, chief European operative of the Damascus- based Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP), led by George Habash.

Haddad had helped train the Black September Palestinian unit led by Hassan Salameh that, with help from German terrorists, carried out the '72 Munich Olympics massacre of 11 Israeli Olympic athletes. There is no evidence that Carlos was personally involved in that.

Working for the PFLP, Carlos linked up with groups such as the German Baader-Meinhofs and Revolutionary Cells, Dutch Red Help and French and Italian Red Brigades. They were anti-capitalist and anti- Israel and they spread havoc in Europe in the 1970s. The French indictment against Carlos claims he killed 83 people.

Black September's Paris operations were led by Mohammed Boudia, who, like Salameh, worked for Wadi Haddad. Carlos took over from Boudia in '73, after Israel's Mossad blew him up in Paris in retaliation for the Olympics massacre.

By '74, France's DST, or counter-intelligence, had begun to put the pieces together but not quite fast enough.

Wilfred Bose was the leader of Germany's Revolutionary Cells and had been Salameh's local operative for the Munich massacre. Bose was arrested in Paris in June, '75, trying to break into an apartment rented by Michel Moukarbal.

The DST didn't know it, but Moukarbal worked for Carlos. He had been detained two days earlier returning from Beirut.

They let Bose go, even though papers were found in Moukarbal's apartment linking him, along with Carlos, to a January, '75, bazooka attack on an El Al airliner at Orly airport (the shells missed and hit a Yugoslav plane). It is not clear why they let him go.

Bose returned to Germany and, along with Black September, began to plan the Entebbe operation. Six Baader-Meinhof members in German prisons were among the prisoners Bose and the Palestinians demanded in exchange for Flight 139. The Israelis killed Bose at Entebbe.

Mistake number two was as bad as letting Bose go.

Suspecting they missed something, the police, accompanied by Moukarbal himself, returned to the apartment two days later -- and found Carlos. Trouble is, they didn't know who he was.

My own story on the incident, taken from the International Herald Tribune of July 8, 1976, points out that the inspectors went to the apartment unarmed because they thought Moukarbal "was another small fry."

They also thought Carlos was a small fry, and paid for their mistake. Carlos opened fire, killing Moukarbal and two officers before escaping.

The '76 story goes on:

"The escape of Carlos has had its effect on police tactics here, officials say. They do not intend to capture terrorists alive if they can help it. A high French official commented privately, `Carlos would certainly be a hard man to capture alive.' The difficulty with taking terrorists alive, he said, was that it put the lives of innocent persons in danger if another terrorist act is committed to free them."

That is one possible explantion of why Bose was set free, but it does not explain why, if the DST knew who Bose was, they would have gone to Moukarbal's apartment unarmed.

To smuggle Carlos to Paris from Khartoum shows that the French think they can bring off a show trial today without fear of terrorist retaliation. They're probably right. European terrorism was a product of the Cold War, Vietnam and the Middle East wars, and Europe is quieter today.

But terrorism is far from dead. Muslim fundamentalists hold the weird view that terrorism and God are somehow connected, and from Tehran to Algiers to New York to Buenos Aires they have risen to take the place of the loonies of the '70s.

The attack on the Jewish Cultural Center in Buenos Aires last month was the worst atrocity in recent years, though the fundamentalist attack on New York's World Trade Center last year and planned attacks on the U.N. building and federal buildings could have been catastrophic.

Fundamentalism is strong in the Sudan, which is on the U.S. State Department's list of terrorist nations. Why the Sudanese, strongly under the influence of Iran, would cooperate with the French in arresting Carlos, a presumed friend of Muslim extremism, has yet to be explained.

It could be that some in the Muslim world are outraged at associating Islam with the mindless assassins of Algiers, Buenos Aires and New York. It is a working hypothesis, and before Carlos' trial is over, it may be more than that.

Tuesday, July 13, 2010

Castro's support for Puerto Rican FALN Terrorists

Key Parts of this Document were posted on Blog for Cuba, but I thought I would post another part

V. TERRORISM STRIKES HOME
In 1961 a young Puerto Rican by the name of Filiberto Ojeda Rios traveled to Cuba to receive training in sabotage techniques. He bonded with the Cuban revolutionary leadership and expressed his willingness to work with the Cubans to infiltrate United States military bases in Puerto Rico. The Cubans provided a false identity and the alias of Felipe Ortega. Ojeda returned to Puerto Rico and helped create MAPA, the first terrorist nationalist organization actively engaged in confrontation with the United States.

By May of 1964 Puerto Rican law enforcement authorities presented proof that Cuba was sending weapons into Puerto Rico through the airport at Ponce. Ojeda was invited by Havana for what was termed the Tricontinental Revolutionary Conference held in 1966. The Puerto Rican representatives included Narciso Arabell Martinez and Todd Pagan.

On April 10, 1968, several bombs were placed in commercial offices and at the IBM building in the capital. In July of 1968 armed commandos destroyed the Sears store in Bayamon, Puerto Rico. After the inauguration of Luis Ferre as governor, terrorist squads began to place bombs indiscriminately in banks, hotels, police stations, and even the United States Secret Service office in San Juan. Ojeda, among others, now responded indirectly to Manuel Piñeiro, the Cuban head of the Department of the Americas, the counter intelligence unit and predecessor to the present Directorate of Intelligence, or Cuba’s infamous DI.


In 1968 Fidel Castro directed a series of active measures engaging students and professors in Puerto Rico, the continental United States and Canada. Part of the plan involved the Venceremos Brigades which brought young people to Cuba where they were taught by intelligence officers Julio Torres Rizo and Alina Alayo Amaro, Cuban specialists on America. Brigade activities were coordinated directly through the Department of the Americas. In 1969 the Cuban government welcomed representatives of the Students for a Democratic Society (SDS) and the embryo of the Weather Movement. Mark Rudd, Bernadine Dohrn, Peter Clapp, Carlos Aponte, and Jeff Jones were briefed. Cuban intelligence decided to help finance the Black Panther movement under the leadership of H. Rap Brown. One Black Panther who personally developed the Cuba contact was Tony Bryant. Bryant even skyjacked a commercial airliner, directed it to Cuba and was welcomed by Castro. Within a short time he became disillusioned with Castro’s revolution, spoke out and was incarcerated. Eventually he was released, fled Cuba and joined Cuban freedom fighters Tony Cuesta and Eugenio Llamera, among others, in the struggle against Castro.

Cubans engaged in transmissions through Radio Free Dixie, a program directed at African- Americans. Robert Williams ran the station until he fell from grace as a result of his perception of Cuban government racism and its contradictory policies. In 1970 Venceremos Brigade member Julie Nichamin was quoted in the Cuban military magazine Verde Olivo as stating that the brigades had a mission, “to destroy the imperialist monster from within as the rest of the peoples of the world are doing from outside.”

In 1969 Fidel Castro also recognized an opportunity to advance his objectives as a result of the discord in America over the Vietnam war. Fidel Castro, Raul Castro, Manuel Piñeiro, and the highest echelon of Cuban intelligence, authorized violent active measures in the United States. In December of 1969 Ojeda placed a bomb in a public library in Manhattan. In March of 1970, in the Bay of San Juan, a terrorist group attacked Marines and later fired at the American base in Buchanan. During the subsequent law enforcement investigation a series of documents were seized indicating that the terrorist conspirators were traveling to Cuba where they were being instructed on sabotage of specific U.S. targets. Cuba directed that the contacts for Arabell, Ojeda, Pagan and others would be Cuban representatives at the United Nations who would in turn convey the necessities of funding, arms and explosives to Havana. Eventually Ojeda was arrested. Documents were seized. A manual edited in Cuba on explosive preparation and placement was presented as evidence before the Senate Judiciary Committee in Washington. After posting bond Ojeda disappeared and was declared a fugitive. A couple of days later five bombs were detonated in San Juan, Puerto Rico.

In 1973 the FBI reported that one hundred and thirty five leaders of subversive groups in Puerto Rico traveled to communist Cuba for indoctrination and training. Most of those received extensive training in guerilla warfare, preparation of explosives and sophisticated methods of sabotage to be executed on U.S. soil. In 1974 Ojeda returned to New York and began to work in coordination with the Fuerzas Armadas de Liberacion Nacional (FALN).

In 1974 FALN and the Weather Underground, another terrorist organization, established a bond. The leaders met in Havana. According to Czechoslovakian Secret Service (STB) defectors, including Ladislav Bittman, the Weather Underground in the United States maintained contact with communist intelligence for years, particularly Cuban intelligence, and with the East German STASI. Cuban and East Germans funded the Weather Underground. Larry Fratwohl, and ex-Weatherman, has stated that when underground members lost track of each other or needed funding, explosives or contact points, the Cuban embassies in Mexico and Canada were called. Thanks to Havana the FALN and Weather Underground decided to coordinate their separate but common terrorist objectives in America.

In September and October of 1974, the Cubans provided logistical support for the FALN movement to explode bombs in City Hall and the police station in Newark, New Jersey, as well as at five other sites, including Rockefeller Center in Manhattan, New York. The most spectacular bombing by FALN would be the explosion of January 24, 1975, at the historic Fraunces Tavern in New York City, during the lunch hour. A briefcase was left in a hallway, was detonated, four Americans died and fifty-five Americans were wounded. Terrorism had now firmly gripped America.

The notoriety of the Fraunces Tavern bombing forced Ojeda to go into hiding. His Cuban handlers directed that he immediately report for protection at the Cuban mission in the United Nations where he was spotted by FBI surveillance later in 1976. Somehow he returned clandestinely to Puerto Rico and named the militant wing of the FALN, now known as the “Macheteros.”

The Department of the Americas, at the direction of Manuel Piñeiro, began to train Puerto Ricans on an ongoing basis at Guanabo, Cuba. At one point there were six hundred receiving terrorist training to be carried out upon homeland targets. In August of 1978 the Macheteros engaged in the killing of a police officer in Naguabo, Puerto Rico. On October 1, they stole five hundred pounds of ammonium nitrate, dynamite, detonators, and other bomb making equipment in Manati, Puerto Rico. In December of 1979, Cuban backed Macheteros ambushed Marines at Sabana Seca in Puerto Rico. In January of 1981 the terrorists attacked the military airport at Isla Verde where they destroyed nine U.S. fighter planes. The active measure, planned in Havana, was executed in a total of seven minutes as part of a strike and flight objective. Had a detonator exploded properly on March 15, 1981, the Macheteros would have killed Henry Kissinger. On July 14, 1981, Macheteros demolished three Coast Guard Stations interrupting air traffic between the United States and Latin America. On February 28, 1982, terrorism returned to Manhattan. Four bombs went off in the Wall Street area. In 1983 Macheteros struck the Computer Center of the United States Navy in Washington, D.C.

By 1983 the Department of the Americas had begun to shift the financial burden of terrorist activity. After years of funding, the Castro brothers, Piñeiro, Jose Abrantes and Antonio De La Guardia were beginning to capitalize on their investments. Across the globe the Cubans had become significant players in drug trafficking, kidnappings, and bank and armored car robberies. At a meeting in Havana Machetero leader Carlos Rodriguez was directed to fund terrorist operations with bank robberies. On July 17, 1983, one such event netted the Macheteros two and a half million dollars. On September 12, 1983, Macheteros robbed a Wells Fargo office in Hartford, Connecticut, removing over seven million dollars. According to a Cuban defector then partly in charge of the operation, Jorge Masetti, two million dollars were quickly delivered to Fidel Castro through an espionage network which included Cuban agents Fernando Gomez, Jose Arbessu and Masetti himself. Later in March of 1984, the FBI identified an additional three million dollars in transit from Cuban Agent Gomez to Castro, the proceeds of the Connecticut heist. The testimony of Machetero conspirators, as well as of Masetti, confirmed that the entire robbery had been planned in Havana and that Havana had issued forged passports and even fifty thousand dollars of financing prior to the successful venture.

On October 30, 1983, Machetero Luis Colon and three others fired an anti-tank rocket LAW-M-72, at the FBI offices on the fifth floor of the federal building in San Juan. The missile markings reflected it was American made and had been left by American forces in Vietnam in 1975, later being removed to Cuba.


As the magnitude of the targets continued to escalate on U.S. soil, massive amounts of assets were directed by the United States government at stopping the Cuban backed Machetero network. As part of the law enforcement efforts a conversation was taped between Ojeda and others where Ojeda discussed the introduction of thirty kilos of plastique explosives into the United States through Mexico, originating in Havana. While the investigation was in progress, Macheteros fired off two rockets at the Supreme Court in San Juan. The rockets also again came from Cuba. According to William Webster, then Director of the FBI, there was no question of the source. In September of 1985 Ojeda was arrested.

Previously in 1978 in Elmhurst, Queens, a bomb exploded. William Morales blew off his hands when a pipe bomb he was assembling in a safehouse accidentally detonated. He was convicted on February 28, 1979, in the Brooklyn Federal Court. On May 21, 1979, at the age of thirty- one, with his hands bandaged, he managed to escape from Bellevue Hospital unto a waiting car. Morales went underground for several years and eventually crossed the border into Mexico. The Mexican government refused to extradite him and in 1988 Morales fled to Havana to join his handlers. He had been granted safe haven and protection by the Cuban government. He now lives with his Cuban wife and his son, Rodrigo. He is paid a salary by the Cuban government. Occasionally he meets with some of America’s most wanted. For instance, Assata Shakur, the former Joanne Chesimard, one of the most wanted of American fugitives and the convicted murderess of a New Jersey state trooper, is another escapee with whom Morales visits.

On September 10, 1999, the Tampa Tribune published an editorial criticizing President Clinton’s offer of clemency to a gang of sixteen terrorist members of the FALN movement. Many of the convicted terrorists that Clinton pardoned had been serving nearly life sentences. The highly criticized clemency case resulted in the Tampa Tribune editorial that indicated that the FALN group leader, “was captured after a bomb he was making exploded prematurely and blew off his hand. The wounded prisoner later escaped U.S. custody, was captured in Mexico after a shootout that killed a Mexican officer, was subsequently released, and is now living in exile in Cuba, where he can study at the feet of the master, Castro.” On August 27, 1999, the Tampa Tribune reported that federal agencies wanted no leniency for the Puerto Rican nationalists. The FBI, the Bureau of Prisons and the U.S. Attorneys in Illinois and Connecticut all objected. FBI officials complained of “any leniency [given] to a person convicted of terrorist related acts at a time when the United States was engaged in a world wide battle against terrorism.” America’s position must remain constant.





Sen. GRASSLEY: I'd like to show you an FBI surveillance video secretly recorded in a Chicago apartment and ask you some questions. This chilling video shows Edwin Cortes and Alejandria (sic) Torres. These were two of the terrorists who received clemency from President Clinton after you directed that the Justice Department change its recommendations.

The video shows Cortes and Torres in the process of building a bomb. Were the two terrorists in this video in the group that you asked the pardon attorney to draft a positive recommendation for?

HOLDER: Senator, I can't answer that question. I don't have the records in front of me. I don't know the names of the people who were among that group of 15, I guess.

I don't know the answer to that.

GRASSLEY: OK. Well, as I said, their names were Edwin Cortes and Alejandria (sic) Torres. At the time you directed the pardon attorney to draft a neutral options memo, had you ever seen this video before?

HOLDER: No. I've not seen this video before.

GRASSLEY: Are you weren't aware that the video existed?

HOLDER: I think I've seen it in some news accounts in the recent past, like, over the last week or so, something like that.

GRASSLEY: Were you aware that after this video was taken, a search to the apartment led to the seizure of 24 pounds of dynamite, 24 blasting caps, weapons, disguises, false identification, and thousands of rounds of ammunition?

HOLDER: I can't say that I'm aware of that specific fact. I did know that the people who were a part of that group, for lack of a better term, had access to, had been captured with explosives. I don't know the amounts or whether it was in connection with this particular thing.

GRASSLEY: Were you aware that FALN terrorists threatened to kill the judge at their sentencing hearing?

HOLDER: That one I'm not. I'm not aware of that.

* * *

GRASSLEY: Well, earlier today, you said in response to a question from Senator Sessions that the people who received clemency didn't actually hurt anyone and that you thought that the granting them clemency was reasonable, but isn't it true that the only person that the people in the video didn't hurt anyone is -- or why they didn't hurt anyone -- is because the FBI caught them before they got a chance to do their damage.

HOLDER: Yes, that might be so, but that is, nevertheless -- you know, it's a difference between let's hypothetically say murder and attempted murder. If some -- there's an intervening act that stops the person from committing the crime that they wanted to do, the person's intent is certainly nefarious and worthy of punishment but the ultimate crimes are fundamentally different ones.

Monday, July 12, 2010

East German Commie Nazism still exists in Cuba

The East German commie soviet neo-nazi regime had it's special techniques for repression



Those techniques live on in Cuba

Havana has proudly and publicly claimed that crime investigators regularly solve cases with dogs and human scents gathered from crime scenes and suspects, which it argues are almost as unique as fingerprints.

``In the past 12 years, there have been more than 3,000 cases in which, based on scent, it has been possible to establish the identity'' of criminals, Rafael Hernández, a criminology professor at Havana University, wrote in a 2003 paper titled La Odorología Criminalística en Cuba.

...

Hernandez's 13-page paper, written in an academic style that includes a definition of ``smell,'' notes that the use of ``criminal odorology'' started in the Soviet Union in the 1960s, was developed by the former East Germany and in 1972 was established around Communist-ruled Europe.

After East Germany collapsed in 1989, West German investigators found a warehouse packed with tens of thousands of sealed jars containing bits of cloth impregnated with the odors of criminals and dissidents -- used to identify or track them.

Cuba began building an ``odorology laboratory'' in 1989 ``with the experience of some compañeros who had visited those countries,'' Hernandez noted. Operational tests were carried out in 1991, and by 1993 the technique had been established throughout the island.

Many of the sniffer dogs are German shepherds from the Czech Republic, Bulgaria and Hungary. Less threatening cocker spaniels have been used at the Havana airport.

Sunday, July 11, 2010

2 great recorded Manuel Márquez-Sterling interviews on Castro el loco commie and his takeover of Cuba

(Skip the intro music)
This one goes into Castro's racist background and family history

This One talks about his takeover of Cuba

Check out Prof. Márquez-Sterling's blog for more. And don't miss the accounts of Castro's thug and commie background that the Prof. draws upon.