"As for the enemies of freedom, those who are potential adversaries, they will be reminded that peace is the highest aspiration of the American people. We will negotiate for it, sacrifice for it; we will not surrender for it, now or ever." - Reagan, January 20, 1981

"In Vietnam, we tried and failed in a just cause. No More Vietnams can mean we will not try again. It should mean we will not fail again." - from No More Vietnams by Richard Nixon

Tuesday, November 23, 2010

The real story of Iran 1953

From "The Persian Night" by Amir Taheri

click images to enlarge [And please see my earlier post addressing this topic]

Sunday, November 7, 2010

Jerry Rubin confesses on behalf of the 1968 Left

1976 was the watershed year in the historiography of the Chicago conspiracy and and "Yippies" - and I am surprised history choose to ignore the information Jerry Rubin provided that year.

The Information was provided in two separate ways. The first was an article he wrote in the Chicago Sun-Times about he and his fellow "Chicago 7" conspirators, saying in part:

"Let's face it. We WANTED disruption. We PLANNED it. We were NOT innocent victims. We worked on our plans for over a year before we came here. We made our demands on the city so outrageous because we wanted the city to deny us what we were asking. We did all of this with one purpose in mind - to make the city react as if it was a police state, and to focus the attention of the world on us. The prosecution, all during the trial, said we were guilty. And you know what? We were. Guilty as hell! Guilty as charged! … Chicago's officials and Chicago's police reacted just as we knew they would ... Chicago snapped at our bait...”

The second was in the form of a book, "Growing (Up) At 37", saying:

“The next act in growing antiwar consciousness would be to steal the media in Chicago during the week of the 1968 Democratic Convention. We sent the call out to kids all over the country to come to Chicago for a party. It would be our Festival of life against the Convention of Death.

To carry this out we needed a new organization. The stuffy political organizations were too cumbersome to make decisions, too straight to understand media theater. On New Year’s Eve, 1967, seven of us got together in Abbie’s apartment on

St. Marks Place
. We studied the problem in a stoned way. It was a youth revolution, an international revolution, and we wanted to have a party. That became Y.I.P., Youth International Party, and Paul Krassner shouted “Yippie!” and we ran around the room dancing. We had it!

A myth is an idea that exists in people’s heads. As long as the myth exists, it makes no difference whether or not the physical reality exist. If people act on the myth, they will create the reality. The media creates myths; then the reality catches up to the myth and gives it flesh. Yippie was a myth created in our heads that became reality.

Yet “yippies” sounds so frivolous – would people actually call themselves “yippies”? Can you imagine the President warning the country about the danger from the “yippies”? Nobody would take him seriously, and the whole country would be reduced to one big joke. Ed Sanders added the slogan, “Aban-the creeping meatball!” and we were on the bandwagon – yippies were come coming to Chicago.

When Chicago came only five thousand people showed up, LBJ had been forced out of the Presidency by antiwar pressure. Bobby Kennedy was dead. No major rock groups came to Chicago. And Abbie and I were not speaking to each other; we had separated off into yippie factions. We were a conspirators no longer talked to each other! The Chicago police went berserk in the streets, turning newsmen into yippies with their billy clubs. I was kidnapped off the streets by five cops on the last night. My bodyguard for the week, a biker named Bob, turned out to be a Chicago policeman, and his testimony eventually sent me to jail for two months. … The Democratic Party never recovered from Chicago, and Nixon was elected. Six months after taking office, he approved the indictment of eitht radicals for conspiring to riot in Chicago.

I am speaking now only for myself, writing what I could never write during the trial or while our appeals were being considered.

During the five-and-a-half month trail I agreed more with the government’s analysis of our behavior than with our defense. The government held us responsible for what happened in Chicago. Our defense saw us primarily as victims.

The government said: these men are radicals who wanted a disturbance in Chicago to disrupt American society and protest the war. Our defense was that we were citizens whose civil liberties were violated by the government’s police riot against us. The government was right in theory, but wrong in specifics. Despite the most exhaustive FBI hunt for information since the Kennedy assassination, they had all the facts wrong. Throughout my activist life I was always amazed by the FBI’s stupidity. They never knew what was going on.

I ask myself how I became an aemchair guerrilla. I say “armchair” because I never shot a gun or bomb, but I supported the Vietcong and selective violence here at home. Though I am a white middle-class American, who enjoys a good meal and the luxury of comfort, I nevertheless share the feeling of extremist revolutionaries.”

Is this not relevant and important information? Why is it ignored?